(While self-determination is a cardinal principle of international law, the proper interpretation of this principle is a matter of some debate..)
“መሰል ዓርሰ ውሳነ ዓለም ዝሰምዖ ቃል እዩ” ዝብል ዘረዳድእ ኮይኑ፣ ከም ትግራዋይ ብሄርተኛ ኣዐርዩ ዘሰክፍ ቃል ምዃኑ ክገልፅ። ትግራዋይ ነዚ ቃል እዚ ብጥርጣረ እንተረአዮ ንቡር እዩ። ባህጊ ሓርነቱን ናፅነቱን ከይተዛዘመ ኣገፍቲኑ ኣብ ዛሓድግ ሸንኮለል መሊሱ ከይድርብዮ ስለ ዝሰግእ።
- “መሰል ዓርሰ ውሳነ” መልከዐኛ ግን ኣበረኛ ቓል
President Woodrow Wilson’s championing “the right of self-determination of peoples” was a landmark development, though his own Secretary of State confided in his diary the misgivings he had about the president’s words:
“These phrases will certainly come home to roost and cause much vexation. The President is a phrase-maker par excellence. He admires trite sayings and revels in formulating them. But, when he comes to their practical application he is so vague that their worth may well be doubted. He apparently never thought out in advance where they would lead or how they would be interpreted by others. In fact, he does not seem to care so that his words sound well. The gift of clever phrasing may be a curse unless the phrases are put to the test of sound, practical application before being uttered.”
…Just ten days later, Secretary Lansing returned to the issue of “self-determination” and wrote in his diary:
“The phrase is simply loaded with dynamite. It will raise hopes which can never be realized. It will, I fear, cost thousands of lives … What a calamity that the phrase was ever uttered! What misery will it cause! Think of the feelings of the author when he counts the dead who died because he coined a phrase!”
The practical question is therefore not how the conquest should be viewed-either morally or politically-but what options now exist in a world irretrievably changed by the conquests of the past. (Conquests and Cultures, p41)
“መሰል ዓርሰ ውሳነ” ብጥንቃቐ ተዘይተታሒዙ፣ ኣብ ኢድካ ዝፍንጀር ዳይናማይት እዩ፣ ይብል ቶማስ ሶዌል። ብሔራዊ ቃለሲ ግዝእትን መንነትን ንሓዋሩ ዝዕቅብ ሃገር ብምጥያሽ ዛዚምካ ናብ ኣለሻ መሕዝነትን ዕብየትን ምምራሽ ይግባእ።
- ኣብ ኢትዮጵያ “ዓርሰታት” የለውን።
In my view, “peoples” are not marked out by pre-political characteristics—such as language, culture, or shared interests—that suit them for self-rule. Instead, a people is born only when members engage in institutionalized political cooperation, and come to value that cooperation. Some structure of representation is necessary to create groups with sufficient corporate agency
to act as peoples. But in defining peoples, we should not merely reference existing structures. We also need to ask: do these structures realize self-determination for those they currently rule? To be self-determining, members must not only be ruled by minimally just institutions, they must appropriately see themselves as joint authors of those institutions, through participation in
a cooperative enterprise they value.
My discussion here takes us back to the issue, mentioned at the outset, of defining the “self ” that should enjoy self-determination. I granted there that peoples are not prepolitically defined: they can be established only through institutionalized political cooperation. Our discussion of alienation, however, shows that attempts to create a people can succeed or fail. The ideal of self-determination holds that each citizen should relate to the political order by affirming his involvement in the cooperative political enterprise that undergirds it.
(The Value of Self-determination, Anne Stilz p 102)
ዓርሰ”/ህዝቢ ዝፍጠር ተወዲቡ ፖለቲካዊ ዕማም ምዕማም እንተኽኢሉ እዩ፣ ትብል ኣና ስቲልዝ። ኣብ ኢትዮጵያ ግን፣ Self ኣብዘይብሉ self determination ከም ምባል እዩ። መብዛሕቲኦም (ዳርጋ ኹሎም) “ብሄራት” ኢትዮጵያ፣ ይትረፍ ኣብ ፖለቲካዊ ዕላማ ተወዲብካ ምዕሳል፣ በባዕሎም ዝናኸሱ፣ ተሳኒኻ ምሕዳር ዘይኽእሉ እያቶም። - ጠፋጢፍካ ዝወሃብ መሰል ዓርሰ-ምሕደራ ንፍሽለት እዩ ዝቃላዕ።
Leaders cannot stray too far from existing beliefs and real group needs, or they will fail. Identities with weak cultural roots do not survive, even if, as in the case of Yugoslav and Soviet national identities, they are promoted by powerful governments for decades. (Nationalist Passions, p33)
ከምዚ ወያናይ ዲሞክራሲ ዘበን ዝተፈተነ ብሄርተኝነት ብመሰረቱ “Brubaker ዝብሎ “Nations were to be heard but not seen, culture was to be “national in form but revolutionary in substance” ዝብሎ ዓይነት እዩ። መልክዑ ብሄራዊ ትሕረዝቱኡ ኣሃዳዊ እዩ። ስርዓት ሶቭየት ዋላ ብልምዓት ልእለ-ሃያልነት እንተምፀአ መፈፀምትኡ ብተና እዩ ኾይኑ።
Soviet institutional policies of nationhood were intended to do two things: first to harness, contain, channel and control the potentially disruptive political expression of nationality by creating national-territorial administrative structures and by cultivating, co-opting (when they threaten to get out of line) repressing national elites and second, to drain nationality of its content even while legitimizing it as a form, and thereby to promote the long-term withering away of nationality as a vital component of social life. The annals of unintended consequences are rich indeed, but seldom have intension and consequence diverged as spectacularly as they did in this case. (Nationalism Reframed, p26)
ስጡም ብሄራዊ መንነት ዘይብሉ ሃገር ምህናፅ ፍሽለት እዩ ትርፉ። ብወያናይ ዲሞ ዝተጠመቐ ሰብ ኢሊትየ ትስፋሓፋሒ ኢሊትየ ካብ ዝብል ዕንጨይቲ ፕሮፖጋንዳ ምልቓቕ ዝኣብዮ ነዚ ይመስለኒ።
- ዕንክሊል ዓመፅን ዕንወትን
ኣብ ዘበነ መሳፍንቲ፣ ትግራይ ፍልፍል ሓይሊ ምንባራ የዝንተ። (ብፍላይ ብስሑል ሚካኤል፣ ወለስላሰን ስባጋድስን እዋን)። Tigay was defacto idependent and real center of power..The accession of Tigriniya speaking emperor Yohannes(for the first time in the second millennium) climaxed a long period of defacto Tigriyan independence. (Hagai Erlich p1)
ዮሃንስ ዕውት ምክልኻል ኣንፃር ባዕዳውያን ወረርቲ እናካየደ ስጡም ሰላም ከምዘረጋገፀ ይፍለጥ። እንተኾነ ግን፣ ንትግራይ በይዛ ኢትዮጵያ ኣሰሊፉ፣ ኣብ ሕልፈቱ ትግራይ ብኢትዮጵያ ተሸይጣን ተኸቢባን እያ ተረኺባ።
(Yonannes, through out his reign did his best to avoid becoming a parochial Tigrayan monarch (just like Meles in the modern times). Amharic, not Tigrinia was made his official language at his court, and apparently tried to recruit warriors from Oromo and Amhara to strengthen his military base…He tried to make Ethiopia a sort of loose federation..When Yohannes died in the battle against Mahdists, Tigrayans founded themselves surrounded by the Italian colonony of Eritrea in the north, and by Minilik of Showa from the south”. (Hagai Erlich, p4)
ታሪኽ ይደጋገም እሞ ኣይ ከም ኣብ ትግራይን።
ኣብ ዝቐንዐና ናይ ኣቦታትና ስርዓተ ምሕደራ፣ ዕብየትን ሰላምን ነምፀአሎም፣ ኣብ ዝቐንዖም ድማ ናይ ኣቦታቶም ፋሉልነትን ኣረመነነትን የምፅኡልና፣ ንድሕሪት ይመልሱና። ታሪክ ንሰርሕ፣ ታሪክ ይምንጥሉ። ይትረፍ ዝሓለፈ ታሪክ፣ ዘይተኸምበተ ታሪካዊ ግድብ ኣባይ እኳ ክታም ተጋሩ ንምምንዛዕ ዝኾንዎ ስኢኖም። ናታቶም ብቕዓት ብዘይሰራሕኻዮ ታሪክ እናፈከርካ፣ ታሪክ ምጥፋእ፣ ምዕማፅን ምዕናውን እዩ።
(Roman conquerors spread a more advanced civilization from the
Mediterranean to Western Europe, with momentous impact on the history of the world, but the destruction of the Roman Empire by invading barbarians produced one of the most catastrophic retrogressions of whole peoples ever seen.
(Conquests and Cultures)
ባሓፈሽኡ ክረአ እንከሎ፣ ወናኒ መቦቆላዊ ስልጣነ፣ ስርዓተ ምሕደራ፣ ፅሕፈት፣ ድርሰትን ዜማን፣ ባሕርን ዓለማዊ ንግድን ዝነበረ ነባር ህዝቢ ኣብ ክልተ ዝፈሸላ ሃገራት ተቐርቂሩ ክጠፍእ ተፈሪዱዎ፣ ምጥፋእ ኣብዩ ግን ድማ ናብ ዝጠፍአሉ ዕንክሊል ደጋጊሙ እናኣተወ ኣብዚ ዘለናዮ መዋእል በፂሑ ኣሎ።
እተን ፉሹላት ሃገራት “Inheritor states of highland core culture (Axumite culture, script, literature…) ይብለን ከሪስቶፈር ክላፋም። (The Horn of Africa p10) ዶናልድ ሌቪን እውን “Tigriyans are cultural aristocrats of Ethiopia (and Eritrea)” ይብል። (Wax and Gold, p2). The achievements of Axum can be identified as a specifically Tigrayan contribution to Ethiopia nationhood (Greater Ethiopia, p92)
“ኢትዮጵያ ኣማሓረይቲ ግዝኣተ ሓፀይ እያ” ወይ ድማ “ኣማሓረይቲ ብሄረ መንግስቲ (nation state) ክትከውን ፈቲና ዝፈሸለት ግን ዘይቀበፀት ማእኸል ነውፂ እያ” ምባል ካብ ሓቂ ዝረሓቐ ኣይኮነን።
ኤርትራ ግን ኣክሱማዊ መሰረት ትነፅግ፣ ኣብ ባዕዳዊ መግዝእትን ገድልን ጥራሕ ዝተወሰነ “ትሸዓተ ብሄራት ሓደ ህዝቢ” ዝብል ፐሮጀክት ሒዛ ብወሳኒ መልክዑ “ተካል ዓጋመ/ሓሳድ ወያነ” ዝብል ፐሮጀክት ፅላኣት ኢሳያስ ክትፍፅም ዝወደቐት guinea-pig (ጊሐ) እያ።
ሓደ ብሄር፣ መንነቱ ንምዕቃብ፣ ስርዓት ንምትካል፣ዓርሱ ንምክልኻል፣ ሃፍቲ ንምውህላል ወዘተ ተኣኪቡ ዝነብረሉ ውሑስ መሬት (ዓለም ዝፈልጦ ሃገር) ምውናን የድልዮ። መሬት ትግራይ ተለልዩ ስርዓት ትግራይ ክህነፀሉ እንተዘይክኢሉ ሾንኮለል ዓመፅን ዕንወትን ቀፃሊ ምዃኑ ሩዱእ እዩ። ወይ ሙሉእ ፅንተት።
መሬት ትግራይ “ብሄር ብሄረሰብ” ፅንዓት ደርጊ፣ ኣፍቲ ሕዛል ካርታ ከምዝረአ፣ ኣብ ደጉዓ ኤርትራ፣ ክልል ትግራይ፣ ከባቢታት ኩነባ፣ በራሕለን ሽኸትን፣ ኣሉውሃ መላሽ፣ ወልቃይት፣ ፀለምቲ፣ ዓብድራፍዕ፣ መተማ ዮሃንስን ከባቢ ደባርቕን ብሔረ ትግራይ ከምዝነበረ ቅድሚ ኣርባዓ ዓመት ኣመላኺቱ ነይሩ። እቲ ንኣማሓሩ መቀባጠሪ ሓምሳ ዓመት ዝተወገዘ “ማኒፌስቶ” ህወሓት እውን እንተኾነ “ህዝቢ ትግራይ ማለት ኣብ ትግራይ ዝነብርን ብዝተፈላለየ ምኽንያት ካብ ትግራይ ወፃኢ ዝነብርን ህዝባ ማለት እዩ (ትግርኛ ተዛረብቲ ዓፋር (ጠልጣል)፤ ኣገው፤ ኩናማ ወዘተ እውን ይሓውስ)፣ መሬት ትግራይ ብደቡብ ኣሉውሃ፣ ብምዕራብ ወልቃይትን ፀለምትን የጠቓልል” ይብል።
መደምደምታ
ዓርሲ ኣብ ዘይብሉ መሰል ዓርሰ-ውሳነ ብዝብል ቃልኪዳን ተጋሩ ዝነብሩሉ ፋይል ክዕፀ ኣለዎ። ብሄራት ኣብ ዘይብሉ ብሄራዊ መሰል ዓርሰ-ውሳነ ኣይህልን። ሪፈረንደም ንነፃነት ምክያድ እዩ ዋና። ኤርትራን ኢትዮጵያን ዝበሃላ ዓለም ዝፈልጠን ሃገራት ግን ኣለዋ። ኤርትራ ትኹን ኢትዮጵያ ከምቲ ዝተገለፀ “ወረስቲ ኣክሱማዊ ባህሊ/Inheritor state of Axumite culture” ኮይነን እናሃለዋ ናይ ተጋሩ ሃገር ክኾና ኣይከኣላን። የግዳስ ትግራዋይ ብጥልያንን ሚኒሊክን ሽርሒ ስርዓቱ ተመንጢሉ ክደክን ክስደድን ምስተገበረ፣ ኣብ ሓማሴን“ተካል ዓጋመ” ኣብ ሽዋ ድማ “ቅማላም ትግሬ” ዝበሃለሉ ዝነበረ ናይ ሕስረት መዋእል ክመልስ ዝደሊ ክፉእ ነውራም ስርዓታት ዝተኸላ ተፃባእቲ ትግራይ ኮይነን ኣለዋ። እዚ ንሓዋሩ ዘብቅዕ ኣክሱማዊ ባህሊ ዝውንን ዘተኣማምን ሃገርን መንግስቲን ኣብ ትግራይ ክቐውም ብምግባር ክዕረ እንከሎ እዩ። ኣክሱማዊ ባህሊን ማእኸልነት ትግራይን ዘይፃብኡ ኩታ-ገጠም ህዝብታት ብሪፈረንደም እንተተሓወሱ ጉቡእ እዩ። ድሕሪኡ እዩ ምስ ካልኦት ምትእስሳር፣ ሕውነትን ሓቢርካ ምስራሕን ክመፅእ ዝኽእል።
***እዚ ዕላማ እዚ ቅድሚ ወረራ ባርባሪኣዊ ዘርኢ ምፅናት ዝነበራ ሰለስተ-ኣርባዕተ ዓመታት ዘንፀባርቖ ዝነበረኩ ሓሳብ recap/ፅሟቕ እዩ። ሐዚ እቲ ዝተሰግኣ ብዝኸፍአ መልክዑ ስለዝተደገመ፣ ኣድላይነት ናፅነት “ንቐባሪ ምርዳእ” ኮይኑ ይርከብ። እዚ በ2013 ዝረአናዮ genocidal barbarism ብናፅነትን ዱልዱል መንግስትን እንተተዛዚሙ ዳርጋ “blessing in disguise” እዩ ክበሃል ዝከኣል።
